“Everyone, republican or otherwise, has his own particular part to play. No part is too great or too small, no one is too old or too young to do something.”
“Socialism, as a party, bases itself upon its knowledge of facts, of economic truths, and leaves the building up of religious ideals or faiths to the outside public, or to its individual members if they so will. It is neither Freethinker nor Christian, Turk nor Jew, Buddhist nor Idolater, Mahommedan nor Parsee—it is only human.”
As Ireland assumes the EU presidency, we must reflect on the state of our politics and collective struggles. As the Zionist war machine pushes us closer to nuclear confrontation, and our biosphere is pushed past the limits of what is habitable for human civilisation, we must ask in which way we can create a mass movement against this exploitation and destruction. We cannot succumb to escapism.
As the new world war rages on, the question we must now ask, as put by Barry Murray of the Peadar O’Donnell Socialist Republican Forum lately: “Will those who were motivated to scream ‘STOP THE GENOCIDE!’ on the streets, now join the dots and begin shouting: ‘STOP IMPERIALISM AND CAPITALISM!’?”
In Ireland, will all those who were motivated into activism by the genocide, and who campaigned for Catherine Connolly and for keeping the triple lock, now campaign for true sovereignty, against political rule from Brussels? This is the burning question.
As the ravages of the free market decimate working class communities, populist nationalist ideologues and agitators take advantage of the retreat of left wing intellectuals to the safety of panel rooms and conference halls. European institutions have embedded themselves deeply into the academies and the most effective tool of silent coercion for the white collar left is the career path, and the system of rewards and punishments that it dispenses. As the crisis of western imperialism intensifies, this soft coercion turns to hard power, as Germany, and other European countries reintroduce conscription. The EU now imposes draconian sanctions to not just punish foreign enemies but also dozens of activists and journalists with European citizenship who are brave enough to confront and document this creeping tyranny. As European leaders bang the drums of war and defend the genocidal Zionist colony, the burning question now is: who on the left will stand with the aspirations of working people and challenge Ireland’s very integration into the Zionist dominated European project, not just this or that policy.
STOP CETA, OR SOMETHING WORSE?
The passing of the second stage of the Arbitration (Amendments) bill, at 1 AM this past winter should have caused unrest the likes of which has not been seen since the water charges. Instead it went unnoticed by the masses of working people. The opposition decided that it was not worth explaining to the public, never mind warning them. A panel which included two Sinn Féin TDs, one Labour and one Independent Ireland waived legislative scrutiny on the bill. The media was wall-to-wall coverage about a vote on fox hunting just two days prior to the vote, and the parliamentary left went along with this smokescreen. People Before Profit decided a cinema closure was more important to draw attention to on the week of the vote, which had been announced in the summer. Even after the vote and with the final vote inevitable, there is scant attention paid to it beyond Zoom calls and conference halls.
“The Islamic Republic is proud to be the target of the rage of the world’s greatest Satan.”
“We are advocates of the abolition of war, we do not want war; but war can only be abolished through war, and in order to get rid of the gun it is necessary to take up the gun.”
“Who planted terrorism in our area? Some came and took our land, forced us to leave, forced us to live in camps. I think this is terrorism. Using means to resist this terrorism and stop its effects - this is called struggle.”
“Never play with insurrection, but when beginning it, realize firmly that you must go all the way.”
“If this is the state of affairs, we will have to kill somebody and make the bloody enemy organise us.”
“We must walk rapidly but not run. We must not be opportunists, nor allow our enthusiasms to make us lose the vision of concrete reality.”
The Arbitration (amendments) bill will give corporations unprecedented influence over Irish policy through mechanisms like investor-state tribunals, which will enslave our people further into the imperialist war machine. And if government dare pass laws that impede the advance of finance capital, it can now take its pound of flesh off each worker via extrajudicial fines. The manner in which this, the most far reaching and draconian of legislation passed in recent memory in the 26 counties was passed, pulls the veil off the illusion of liberal democracy and shows the true face of the 26 county bourgeois dictatorship, and the “non-majoritarian” rule of Brussels.
Much of the campaigning on the bill had been moribund and based around CETA, which is already passed in European Parliament and just awaits the ISDS component to be constitutionally allowed. Much of the activism on CETA has been done through the realm of environmental activism, even though the consequences of ISDS arrangements span far beyond environmental issues.
In general, environmental activists let strategic use of EU law in environmental objections cloud their judgements as to the true nature of the European project. Through the campaign to Stop Shannon LNG, I have been involved in the environmental movement for many years. It is full of very committed, intelligent and capable people. Nevertheless, class privilege, illusions about liberal democracy and a fear of rejection from mainstream media prevents many from joining the dots, and keeps environmental causes out of reach for the majority. Many environmental activists can’t tell the difference between a planning objection and a political campaign. They write press releases as if they are planning objections, assuming the level of environmental or scientific literacy of their middle class echo chamber in the general public, and ignoring the wider social effects and imperial geopolitical strategy at play.
Their strategy inevitably becomes ideology. European law becomes their salvation, as they buy into the belief that “We need EU law to protect us from our own crooked ways”. They falsely assume that the 26 county state is a democratic sovereign entity and that it is the democratic will of the people to pollute that we need protection from.
The EU common agricultural and common fisheries policies have destroyed our lands, rivers and seas and taken our basic rights to feed ourselves and to control and protect our common resources, a right that we never truly had anyway. The EU has colonised the minds of people by giving a little with one hand in the form of European law and subsidies, and taking the lot with the other with its anti-democratic free market agenda, and rump parliament in which policymakers are not elected. In this way, the EU, in much the same way as the US military industrial machine, is the sower of chaos, while it pretends to be arbitrator of restoring order. Brussels rule over the 26 counties is seen by those fighting individual causes as unbreakable as the divine rights of kings in former times.
Rather than building a mass movement for sovereignty which extends past environmental issues, many in the environmental movement still moderate their language for NGO type respectability and acceptability to national news outlets. In doing this, they alienate themselves from the mass of working people of this country. The greatest success for the ruling elite of the Green Party coalition is that it made environmental issues synonymous with green austerity, poisoning many towards environmental issues. Even the activists with most disdain for Eamon Ryan end up appearing like they are aligned with establishment Greens because of the procedural, ideological norms which have been drilled into them.
The attention on CETA obscures the real prize here for financial capital: a future EU-US trade deal, the details of which were ironed out by Trump and Von Der Leyen in Scotland. The EU not only agreed to a highly unequal trade deal, it committed to buy five times the LNG, oil and coal as it currently does from the US. The US is using LNG as a weapon of hybrid warfare, but they are overplaying their hand. They have been using their fracked oil and gas reserves in an attempt to economically weaken and encircle Russia. But they cannot keep it up. The US is not a petro-state. It has limited resources. Hydrocarbons obtained through hydraulic fracturing (fracking) have an energy return on investment (EROI) much lower than conventional oil and gas, as well as being environmentally much more destructive. The “AI revolution” is fuelling this excess energy demand but this is also an elaborate Ponzi scheme as Microsoft, Open AI and Nvidia buy and sell each others’ shares in a billion dollar bubble of circular transactions. An ISDS clause in the EU-US trade deal would signal an escalation of this exploitation, as the burden of these obsolescent industries would fall not just ecologically but also financially on future generations of working people under the thumb of Yankee-Zionist domination and Brussels rule.
In their moonlight operation, the Dublin government has laid the groundwork for the next round of austerity and super exploitation against the working class of Ireland on behalf of global capital and the imperial system that upholds it. To challenge the economic chains of imperialism and gain true sovereignty, neutrality and liberation, we must confront not just the war machine but the political rule of Brussels.
CULTURE WARS AND THE EU MIGRANT MURDER MACHINE
“To reap a return in ten years, plant trees. To reap a return in 100, cultivate the people.”
“I have long been of the opinion, that the socialist movement elsewhere was to a great extent hampered by the presence in its ranks of faddists and cranks, who were in the movement, not for the cause of socialism, but because they thought they saw in it a means of ventilating their theories on such questions as sex, religion, vaccination, vegetarianism, etc., and I believed that such ideas had or ought to have no place in our programme or in our party . . . We were as a body concerned only with the question of political and economic freedom for our class. We could not claim to have a mission to emancipate the human mind from all errors, for the simple reason that we were not and are not the repositories of ALL truth.”
2026 will be ten years since the year of Brexit and the rise of Trump. It is essential that we honestly face and confront the way in which Western governments and their media and intelligence apparatus have colonised the minds of people, by replicating the same culture war on immigration that intensified since 2016. We must think past this knee jerk reaction on the left; it is “right wing” to be against immigration, the left wing position is to be “for immigration”. This template which has been repeated across the global north. Geopolitical analysis and class consciousness are absent from this moralistic positioning, and the conditions that fuel mass migration are ignored. Legitimate concerns from working class communities about resourcing issues get exploited as the theatre for a culture war where nobody seems to know who their real enemy is. This culture war keeps the liberal left fighting marginal right wing agitators rather than the brutal EU system which has murdered thousands of refugees in the Mediterranean.
Capitalism needs a reserve army of the unemployed to keep functioning. This was observed by Marx over 150 years ago, but seems to be forgotten by these supposed anti-capitalists. Anti-imperialist economists like Patnaik and Patnaik have observed that there are indeed two reserve armies of labour, one in the global north and one in the global south, and that global capitalism needs the global south to have a much higher level of unemployment and underemployment, not only to mobilise labour reserves, but to turn small commodity producers into price takers, where the fruits of their labour and land are expropriated at non-increasing prices, for the consumption of the global north economies. The global capitalist system rests on this imperialist arrangement.
The EU asylum system is a system of labour mobilisation, geopolitical coercion and population control. Asylum seekers, whether genuinely seeking shelter from persecution or not, get fast tracked if they denounce the enemies of NATO, while those who oppose Western imperialism withstand years of slow violence within the system. This asylum template, which Washington pioneered in relation to Cuba, became very apparent when Syria was deemed a “safe” country by the EU after Western backed Islamic fundamentalists took Damascus last winter 2024. As these Western backed ex-ISIS warlords went about massacring and disappearing Christians, Alevites and Druze, those Syrians who had denounced Bashar Al-Assad’s government as their reason for leaving, in order to gain access to Europe and avoid being locked in camps in Turkey, or on Greek islands, were told that their country was now safe to go back to. Approximately 9% of Syrians went home after the so-called liberation of their country, this despite Damascus regaining access to their oil, which had been withheld and siphoned off by US-backed Kurdish-led forces and all the brutal sanctions lifted.
Georgians had been a priority country in the EU asylum system, despite the fact that there was no conflict there. The reason? It would seem so that the EU would have another country in their asylum system to denounce Russia.
This imperialist management of asylum became hugely apparent to everyone with the asylum apartheid introduced at the outbreak of the war in Ukraine, but it had been going on, albeit in a more subtle manner, for years. To question whether some of these priority countries are genuinely fleeing conflict or persecution, or whether who they are denouncing is really who they are running from, is not racism. It is not dog whistling to ask if people are being used, and if so, to question why. People from the global south are generally appreciative when people from the north show geopolitical awareness about imperialism, despite them being fearful about their immigration status. Fighting for true sovereignty would mean that we are not held hostage to an asylum system which violates basic rights and does not align with Ireland’s historic anti-colonial stance. When “Coolock says no”, the answer should not be to gaslight Coolock, but to create a deeper understanding so that the working class can see who their real enemy is.
Meanwhile, a closer look at how Europe treats its dissidents reveals that the proscription of Palestine Action and the recent sanctioning of EU citizens are not without precedent. Republicans who have hosted Palestinian POWs for years before October 2023 know this all too well. Because of the EU’s alignment with NATO and US imperialism, opposition groups from other NATO members become targets of repression within the EU because of the bogus terror lists they blanket adopt. In Ossendorf prison, the same prison where Hitler locked up communists, “democratic” Europe has been locking up Turkish and Kurdish communists. These activists, some of whom for years bore the marks of torture and persecution in Turkey, then get the same treatment when they seek safety in “democratic” Europe, precisely because they will not capitulate on their politics in order to get fast-tracked through the EU asylum murder machine. When we unquestioningly adopt terms like “the far right”, we are conceding there is a “far left” that is equally extremist. Thus we legitimise bogus terror lists which have taken away basic rights.
FOR A 32 COUNTY SOCIALIST REPUBLIC IN THE JUNGLE OF FREE PEOPLES
AND THE EIGHT REMINDERS:
- Talk to people politely.
- Be fair in all business dealings.
- Return everything you have borrowed.
- Pay for anything you have damaged.
- Don’t beat or bully people.
- Don’t damage crops.
- Don’t flirt with women.
- Don’t ill treat prisoners of war."
“It is not heroes that make history, but history that makes heroes.”
To move forward from here and gain a true peace, free from imperial war and class exploitation, we must build a popular socialist movement against the undemocratic rule of Brussels. The European political structure has shown its genocidal character, its undemocratic nature and its disregard for human life as well as our land, rivers and seas. We need a movement which sees past European grants and scholarships which are used to keep us compliant and mould us in their image.
Fighting for sovereignty does not mean turning away from the world. It means controlling our own destiny in order to take our place among the free nations of the world and build a socialist world order. A socialist republic would need to have the organisational depth in order to implement democratic centralism when faced with imperial threats, as well as reactionary forces within, yet be able to decentralise in times of calm. The world is full of examples of successes and failures to learn from in this regard. Leaving the European Union is not choosing isolationism, it is choosing freedom, justice and aligning with the working class and the global majority. Fortress Europe, with its support for Zionist aggression and its disregard for human life, is the isolationist monster.
Josep Borrell revealed the true racist face of this monster when he said that Europe is a garden, and that: “the rest of the world is not exactly a garden, the rest of the world is a jungle, and the jungle could take over the garden, and the gardeners should take care of it.”
Let’s make this monster’s garden irrelevant and choose the vast beautiful jungle.
The EU Migration Regime. Imperial Interests Behind the Borders
“A revolution is not a bed of roses. A revolution is a struggle between the future and the past.”
“To carry on, no matter what odds are against you, to carry on no matters what torments are inflicted on you. The road to freedom is paved with suffering, hardships and torture, carry on my gallant and brave comrades until that certain day.”
“Despair is typical of those who do not understand the causes of evil, see no way out, and are incapable of struggle.”
“The unpreparedness of the educated classes, the lack of practical links between them and the mass of the people, their laziness, and, let it be said, their cowardice at the decisive moment of the struggle will give rise to tragic mishaps.”
“When the interests of the people and the interests of the party contradict, communists must always stand for the benefit of the people. To stand against the people for the sake of the party’s interests is unacceptable.”
“Ukrainian nationalism in Russia was something quite different from, let us say, Czechish, Polish or Finnish nationalism in that the former was a mere whim, a folly of a few dozen petty-bourgeois intellectuals without the slightest roots in the economic, political or psychological relationships of the country; it was without any historical tradition, since the Ukraine never formed a nation or government, was without any national culture, except for the reactionary-romantic poems of Shevchenko.”
In Ireland’s online political theatre, every contradiction in EU migration policy gets reduced to a familiar two-sided performance. On one side, sections of the online right and lumpen commentary sphere have turned the Irish Foreign Affairs Minister O’Callaghan into a mad “commie” for administering policies that are structured at EU level and rooted in longstanding NATO aligned frameworks. On the other side, the self-identified left “Refugees are Welcome Here!” brigade exert their usual moral superiority without engaging the deeper structural questions of imperialism, labour segmentation, and the political economy of migration. Both reactions circulate around the same object of migration, but neither seriously confronts the barbaric system, or regime as we should say, producing it. Instead, they turn structural contradictions into cultural performance.
The EU’s migration policy exposes a clear pattern of differentiated treatment shaped not by universal humanitarian principles, but by geopolitical alignment and the material interests of imperialist and capitalist power. Refugees are not treated equally. Their reception depends on their perceived strategic, political, or economic value to European states.
When displacement aligns with US imperial geopolitical narratives, borders open, rights are fast-tracked and solidarity is loudly proclaimed, as we saw with the Ukraine war. When asylum does not align, those same borders harden. People fleeing wars tied to Western intervention, or pro-NATO regimes are met with detention and exclusion. A structured hierarchy of human mobility is the result, in which lives are categorised through the logic of capital accumulation, labour demand and geopolitical utility.
The EU’s approach reveals a system of managed inclusion and exclusion. Agreements with third countries, militarised border enforcement, and selective humanitarian responses all contribute to a model that stabilises the European core while displacing any values that the EU used to pretend to have. Migration is not only “managed” it is also actively organised in line with the interests of NATO and of capital and US imperialist strategy.
This contradiction is intensified in the EU Asylum and Migration Pact, which strengthens border externalisation mechanisms and accelerates asylum processing while further entrenching distinctions between deserving and undeserving migrants who are labelled legal or illegal, depending on their ability to prove their allegiance to the Western empire, and ergo NATO.
Opposition to the pact has emerged from both self-identified left and right-wing forces, but for fundamentally different reasons. The self-identified left often criticises its humanitarian deficiencies and legal restrictions, while the right objects that it does not go far enough in preventing entry or enforcing national sovereignty.
The irony is that both positions reject the same policy, yet neither does so from a class perspective. One critique tends to remain within a moral-legal framework that does not fully confront how imperialism and capitalism produce displacement and precarious labour in the first place. The other channels discontent into nationalism and exclusion, also redirecting frustration away from capital and toward migrants themselves.
Within this broader system, strategic labour mobility agreements such as the EU-India Common Agenda on Migration and Mobility highlight another layer of contradiction. Certain “economic migrants” are actively recruited, regularised, and integrated into European labour markets, while asylum seekers are subjected to deterrence and restriction. This raises the central question: why are some forms of mobility welcomed and institutionalised, while others are criminalised or obstructed?
The answer lies in labour segmentation under capitalism. Selective migration channels are used to regulate labour supply, wage levels, and sectorial shortages, while asylum systems are treated as security issues because they emerge from (engineered) crises that often reflect the destabilising effects of imperialist relations abroad. Migration policy thus functions not as a neutral system, but as an instrument for managing labour and reproducing capitalist relations on a global scale.
“The exercise of justice is the exercise of liberty.”
“The western land, nervous under the beginning change. The Western States, nervous as horses before a thunder storm. The great owners, nervous, sensing a change, knowing nothing of the nature of the change. The great owners, striking at the immediate thing, the widening government, the growing labor unity; striking at new taxes, at plans; not knowing these things are results, not causes. Results, not causes; results, not causes. The causes lie deep and simply—the causes are a hunger in a stomach, multiplied a million times; a hunger in a single soul, hunger for joy and some security, multiplied a million times; muscles and mind aching to grow, to work, to create, multiplied a million times…”
“If you who own the things people must have could understand this, you might preserve yourself. If you could separate causes from results, if you could know that Paine, Marx, Jefferson, Lenin, were results, not causes, you might survive. But that you cannot know. For the quality of owning freezes you forever into ‘I,’ and cuts you off forever from the ‘we.’”
“Besides, it is well to remember that nations which submit to conquest or races which abandon their language in favour of that of an oppressor do so, not because of altruistic motives, or because of a love of brotherhood of man, but from a slavish and cringing spirit.”
This differentiation also carries political consequences. By organising mobility through rigid categories of inclusion and exclusion, the system reinforces divisions within the working class itself. Such structures deepen identity-based or communal tension, rather than fostering class unity, by directing social frustration along lines of nationality, religion, or legal status instead of toward the underlying relations of production.
What emerges in Ireland’s public discourse is a compressed version of this larger system, distorted into online rants and division. A minister like O’Callaghan is labelled a “communist” in the imagination of the utterly confused who misread EU administration as ideological conspiracy, while others repeat slogans of welcome and open borders that ignore the structural filtering of who is actually allowed to arrive, stay, or work - and why. Both responses are equally bereft of serious political analysis.
The deeper reality is that EU migration policy is not a moral project but a material one. It is structured geopolitical strategy, and the management of inequality produced by global capitalism. Its contradictions are not accidental. They are functional, to serve the interests of the ruling Zionist Oligarchy.
The spectacle of Irish online debate is deeply depressing, particularly when we consider how attitudes of our young are shaped by social media. While one side shouts about imagined communism, the other about abstract solidarity, the actual machinery of migration continues to sort, select, and exclude according to the needs of capital and the interests of the ruling class. The online noise changes nothing, but it does sadly deepen working-class divisions and spread fear and confusion. Meanwhile, the structure remains the same, and the empire sits back and laughs.
The terms left and right originated following the French Revolution. In the French national assembly, the right comprised aristocrats and the rich. The left comprised the poor and working class who demanded democracy and wanted more tax on the rich.
Throughout history, the concept of left and right has changed, even from country to country. The term “far-left” appeared again in French public debate following the Bolshevik Revolution of 1917. Those who supported the revolution in Russia were labelled far-left, thus insinuating that anyone who partakes in revolution is extreme and a threat to the capitalist status quo.
What does the term “far-right” mean today in Ireland? Those who say they are on the left, right, and center classify all those who oppose immigration as being far right. Being erroneously lumped together into a broad category and labelled “far-right”, this sweeping generalisation does not serve the interests of the working class. It only harms us.
We believe that socialists, communists, anarchists, and even nationalists should reject these neoliberal, disruptive terms which are insidiously misleading and weaponised. They are deliberately divisive and serve only the neoliberal ruling elite.
The EU’s migration policy is designed primarily to serve the interests of capitalist companies. While entry for skilled workers is easily accessible via visa procedure, the EU’s border regime criminalises those seeking asylum who are fleeing persecution, torture or war.
The EU’s immigration policy is a fascist policy but nobody, not even so-called socialist lawyers or concerned NGOs, have called the government far-right, fascist, extremist, racist, or criminal. While a toxic culture of calling out individuals has developed amongst the fake left against the working-class man or woman who uses a word they disapprove of, their silence about institutional racism and state violence is deafening.
Escalation of the Zionist War Economy in Europe
“Despair is typical of those who do not understand the causes of evil, see no way out, and are incapable of struggle.”
“The unpreparedness of the educated classes, the lack of practical links between them and the mass of the people, their laziness, and, let it be said, their cowardice at the decisive moment of the struggle will give rise to tragic mishaps.”
“When the interests of the people and the interests of the party contradict, communists must always stand for the benefit of the people. To stand against the people for the sake of the party’s interests is unacceptable.”
The Zionist dominated western bloc is executing a calculated strategic manoeuvre by leveraging the EU’s “special relationship” with Israel as a tool of imperial control, while forcing Europe to assume the financial and industrial costs of sustaining the Zionist project. While some pro-EU voices claim that the EU is trying to detach itself from the U.S. Trump administration, the optics of distancing are actually just the restructuring of Zionist controlled Western imperial burden-sharing.
Washington has fundamentally redefined the transatlantic NATO relationship from a military alliance to a transactional business arrangement. The Trump administration’s rhetorical attacks such as calling NATO a “paper tiger,” threatening to withdraw U.S. troops, and publicly reprimanding allies for refusing to support U.S.-Israeli military campaigns, are strategic. The pressure is on Europe to accept greater responsibility for zio-security while remaining aligned with Zio-American strategic objectives.
The U.S. is demanding Europe spend 5% of GDP on defence (doubling current commitments) under the guise of “strategic autonomy.” But this NATO 3.0 framework is a mechanism to ensure that Europe remains a lapdog of the Zionist-controlled U.S. strategy, freeing up U.S. military resources for the Indo-Pacific and great-power competition with China, while keeping Europe locked into offensive Western imperial military architecture, and war readiness. Europe is being turned from a junior partner of the U.S. into an appendage that must fork out for its own subjugation.
This is where the Zionist project enters directly. U.S. policy has long supported Zionism and Israel’s military-industrial complex through funding, joint development, production partnerships, and policies—most notably through Raytheon’s co-production of Iron Dome interceptors with Rafael. Now, Washington’s pressure on Europe to arm up creates a captive market for Zio-Israeli systems, which are being embedded/locked into European industrial infrastructure.
As a recent investigation by WIRE entitled “Osnabrück and the Israeli Architecture Behind Nato’s Defence Surge” (July 13, 2026) reveals, German factories are being converted to produce Israeli-owned weapons, such as Arrow 3, Iron Dome components, and autonomous counter-drone systems, with the Israeli state as the technology owner and intellectual property holder. This venture is framed as friendly industrial cooperation to sustain the precarious economy. Essentially, Germany is absorbing European productive capacity into Israel’s war economy, with Washington’s blessing, so as to redirect military resources elsewhere.
The German ruling comprador elites meanwhile are happily framing this arrangement as if it helps preserve employment in a collapsing industrial sector, most notably its VW car industry. This is a classic comprador dynamic. Europe’s bourgeoisie is voluntarily subcontracting its military sovereignty to Tel Aviv, while Washington looks on approvingly. When some European states initially refused to support U.S.-Israeli military actions against Iran, the U.S. threatened to withdraw from NATO entirely, demonstrating the conditional nature of America’s protection.
You could call this tripartite dependency. Germany’s rearmament depends on Israeli technology, which depends on U.S. licensing (ITAR), while European taxpayers fund the entire thing. The subordination of European industrial policy to a U.S.-Israeli axis, mediated through procurement files that bypass parliamentary scrutiny, is complete!
What a strategic masterstroke for the U.S. Let’s call it an offloading of the political risk, or a risk-reduction strategy regarding the financial cost of sustaining the Zio-military sector onto Europe, while maintaining ultimate control through ITAR regulations and security guarantees. Europe is being transformed into a production base for the Zionist war machine, its workers becoming wage slaves for a fascist state apparatus whose goal is Greater Israel, to allow Washington pivot toward Asia to confront its real rival, China.
For the American bourgeoisie, this is intelligent imperial management. For the European working class, it is the deepening of militarism, the diversion of resources from our social needs, and complicity in a fascist colonial project of extermination and expansion—presented as “defence” and “autonomy.”
But the Zionist architecture of domination is not invincible. It rests on the silence of the many and the obedience of the few. The same factories being retooled for Zionist weapons can be reclaimed by workers while the same alliances built on imperialism can be shattered by transnational solidarity and support for the axis of resistance.
Thinking we have to choose between Washington or Brussels; that we cannot survive without being allied with empire, is not only fatal to the cause of Palestine, and all oppressed peoples, but fatal to the cause of Ireland. The cause of our own workers and poor, and our basic right to neutrality and sovereignty, means rejecting the entire logic of empire. We must, and can build from the rubble of this militarised order, a country, and a world organised around human need, not Zionist profit, not U.S. hegemony, nor European complicity. The Zionist regime cannot survive if the workers refuse to feed it. Our answer is not reform. The solution is rupture. No autonomy within empire! We demand liberation from it!
Rusophobia and Western Imperialism
“The Western States are nervous under the beginning change. Need is the stimulus to concept, concept to action. A half-million people moving over the country; a million more restive, ready to move; ten million more feeling the first nervousness. And tractors turning the multiple furrows in the vacant land.”
“If you who own the things people must have could understand this, you might preserve yourself. If you could separate causes from results, if you could know that Paine, Marx, Jefferson, Lenin, were results, not causes, you might survive. But that you cannot know. For the quality of owning freezes you forever into ‘I,’ and cuts you off forever from the ‘we.’”
“The western land, nervous under the beginning change. The Western States, nervous as horses before a thunder storm. The great owners, nervous, sensing a change, knowing nothing of the nature of the change. The great owners, striking at the immediate thing, the widening government, the growing labor unity; striking at new taxes, at plans; not knowing these things are results, not causes. Results, not causes; results, not causes. The causes lie deep and simply—the causes are a hunger in a stomach, multiplied a million times; a hunger in a single soul, hunger for joy and some security, multiplied a million times; muscles and mind aching to grow, to work, to create, multiplied a million times…”
Ireland takes the EU presidency this year as France and Poland carry out joint nuclear exercises at NATO’s eastern borders in an attempt to simulate nuclear strikes on St. Petersburg. Two countries which wouldn’t exist today if it were not for the heroic fight of the Soviet Red Army, are now threatening the country which saved them from becoming two provinces of the Reich. What would General de Gaulle say if he were around today?
Rusophobia is the form of racism that is allowing western powers to drive us towards nuclear war. But Russians are white you might say, how can it be racism? Well racism cannot be separated from imperial power and changes accordingly. Who is the übermensch and who is the untermensch can change over time and whites often suffer racism. The Irish experienced racism in America and Britain with signs up as late as the 1980s saying no blacks, no dogs, no Irish on bars.
The white European Jews experienced racism as they were the perfect scapegoat for fascist powers, leading to the Nazi holocaust. After the war, mass migration of the white European Jews to Palestine was accelerated, and the untermensch became the most cruel and satanic übermensch the world has ever seen as the Zionist colony was given unconditional support and complete impunity, capturing the highest levers of western power.
Rusophobia as a form of racism, is a form of Orientalism and it shares the same general characteristics. We are told that Russia is a den of Oriental despotism ruled by tyrants. From James Bond to Rambo and far beyond, western movies and television are filled with Russian villains and the only good Russian is the one who betrays their country and aligns with the west.
Over the 20th century, Rusophobia became synonymous with Anti-communism. Both Rusophobia and Anti-communism feed off historical revisionism. Stalin was painted as a murderous dictator no better than Hitler by western academics such as Hannah Arendt, Isaiah Berlin and the Frankfurt school on the payroll of the CIA’s Cultural Freedom Congress and other intelligence linked academic pipelines. Meanwhile CIA documents from 1955 which were later declassified admit that this characterisation is baseless.
Hollywood movies portrayed the US saving Europe from the Nazis when in fact most of what they did was terror bomb German civilians after the Soviets had already turned the tables on the Wehrmacht.
After the 2014 coup, the IMF takeover of Ukraine and the three nuclear arms non-proliferation treaties unilaterally abandoned by the US, who can deny that Russia is fighting a defensive war against NATO expansion? We can argue as to the soundness of the action taken by the Russian administration in February 2022, but we cannot deny asymmetries of power and pretend that what we are seeing is anything other than unilateral belligerence on the part of the western bloc.
Nobody would look at the so-called Soviet “invasion” of Poland in September 1945 as an isolated event and claim that the Soviets were the aggressors in World War 2, but somehow all manner of people can make the emotionally charged case for Russia’s defensive war in Ukraine being such.
The Soviet Union was dismantled in 1991 against the will of over 77% of its citizens. The neoliberal barbarism which followed allowed for a historical erasure so great, that it threatens all life on the planet today. The resistance to the Nazi invasion is a legacy that both Ukrainians and Russians alike share. The huge sacrifice of ordinary people from Odessa to Donetsk to stop the Nazi advance is being erased today, as an implanted artificial ultranationalism fostered by the US intelligence has filled the void of this historic rupture between the Russian and the south Russian (Ukrainian) peoples. The destruction of statues of Gorky and other figures and its replacement with one of Stepan Bandera is a striking example of this strategy. This Nazi ideology which was only honoured by a small minority of Galician Ukrainians around the area of Lviv until 2014. A Jewish president of Ukraine is now openly commemorating Nazi war criminals.
The end goal of this imperial strategy facilitated by Rusophobia is to subjugate and Balkanise if possible Russia and open up access to its labour pool and vast natural resources for the greed of the oligarchic Zionist cabal which rules the western world as well as other subordinate sections of the western capitalist class. The ruling class know that the premises of their Rusophobia are false. They restrict travel and ban Russian media, because they do not want you to know. If we want to have a free, sovereign 32 county socialist republic, we must combat EU militarism, and the historical revisionism and orientalist racism that it feeds on.